Saeed al-Masri, one of the White Helmets volunteers, rescues his 3 month old son Ibrahim in Saqba (in Eastern Ghouta), today (06/02/2018) after airstrikes targeted a civilian residential neighbourhood.
Showing posts with label Syria. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Syria. Show all posts
Tuesday, February 06, 2018
Saturday, December 23, 2017
Nostalgia
It was the summer of 2002 and I was in Latakia and I kept hearing this song everywhere I went. I hated Arab songs, with a passion. But this one was stuck in my head. I remember I put on the TV one time I was in the hotel, for something to play in the background whilst I was getting ready. And the song came on. I remember watching the music video. I always felt that Arab singers were incredibly cheesy (with this singer being no exception). But nonetheless I liked the the melody. I'm not sure what it was but it always put me in a good mood.
Now when I hear it, I'm always transported back to the sandy beaches and salty waters of Latakia, with clear blue skies and a temperature in excess of 40oC. And then there was the hustle and bustle of the outdoor market areas not far out from where we were staying. I remember the first time I bargained with someone on one of the stalls and I was so chuffed with myself as I had brought a purple inflatable teletubby for my younger sister for less than half its price. Then there was the other time we went to the outdoor food market, which wasn't incredibly busy but the stall owners were nonetheless shouting away, calling out the prices and offers of their produce. I was just watching them thinking how different life is here to what I'm accustomed. Time always stood still as if it had no meaning. Nothing happened. A time when all the young people seemed to be flirting with each other but still appearing innocent in front of the elders. And this song, in my mind, was Latakia. And I miss those moments of calm, serenity and innocence. For me, Syria wasn't just about the people. It was the ancient history so embedded in the fabric of the country. The cobbled streets. The markets. The beaches. The food. The cars honking away. And people just getting on with their lives in a timeless era.
I often wonder now, the fate of those I met and knew. Do they still wander the sandy shores of Latakia? And the stall owners, are they still there, shouting away the price and offers of their produce? And the young lady in the grocery store who turned 30 on that summer of 2002 and didn't want to marry but wanted to make her own living and depend on herself (whom I admired immensely), is she still there? Maybe, ignorance is bliss so that memories can live on without being tainted. Of a time that stood still.
Now when I hear it, I'm always transported back to the sandy beaches and salty waters of Latakia, with clear blue skies and a temperature in excess of 40oC. And then there was the hustle and bustle of the outdoor market areas not far out from where we were staying. I remember the first time I bargained with someone on one of the stalls and I was so chuffed with myself as I had brought a purple inflatable teletubby for my younger sister for less than half its price. Then there was the other time we went to the outdoor food market, which wasn't incredibly busy but the stall owners were nonetheless shouting away, calling out the prices and offers of their produce. I was just watching them thinking how different life is here to what I'm accustomed. Time always stood still as if it had no meaning. Nothing happened. A time when all the young people seemed to be flirting with each other but still appearing innocent in front of the elders. And this song, in my mind, was Latakia. And I miss those moments of calm, serenity and innocence. For me, Syria wasn't just about the people. It was the ancient history so embedded in the fabric of the country. The cobbled streets. The markets. The beaches. The food. The cars honking away. And people just getting on with their lives in a timeless era.
I often wonder now, the fate of those I met and knew. Do they still wander the sandy shores of Latakia? And the stall owners, are they still there, shouting away the price and offers of their produce? And the young lady in the grocery store who turned 30 on that summer of 2002 and didn't want to marry but wanted to make her own living and depend on herself (whom I admired immensely), is she still there? Maybe, ignorance is bliss so that memories can live on without being tainted. Of a time that stood still.
Sunday, December 17, 2017
"Two gangs. My people, be aware of both!"
Khaled Khalifa's novel, 'In praise of hatred' was originally published in Syria in 2006. It was subsequently banned in Syria by the regime and then republished in Lebanon a year later. In 2008, it was short-listed for the International Prize for Arabic Fiction. Since then, the book has been translated from Arabic into other languages. Throughout this post, I've referenced Leri Price's (2012) English translation of the novel.
The novel deals essentially with fundamentalism in a 1980's Aleppo. Both the secular regime and the Islamic organisation mentioned (although not acknowledged by name, the novel implies the Muslim Brotherhood and the Assad government) are portrayed as two sides of the same coin and hence portrayed as two fundamentalisms at war. Both of whom are engaged in a cycle of hatred and violence; both bring out the worst in each other and both display extremes in their behaviour. What's interesting, is that whilst the novel was a fictional portrayal of the events that occurred during the 1980's and published in 2006, it could easily describe the events taking place in Aleppo, and the wider country, over the past six years.
Continuing on from the idea of two fundamentalisms at war, it's interesting to note the narrator's own thoughts when she stated: "I used to think: if people die as martyrs for God, how do both the killers and killed enter paradise?" Both sides often claim superiority over the other (as the narrator does as the novel develops) and believe truth and right are on their side. The author's underlying message encapsulates the idea that violence would never really achieve much other than breeding a cycle of further violence, death and hatred. Consequently, only non-violence initiatives and dialogue will break the cycle and will bring about change and peace. In the novel, we don't see any dialogue between the "other sect", a reference to the Alawites who've dominated major positions within the government and army, and the majority Sunni population. Even between the secular and religious groups, little dialogue takes place. The little interactions we see between these groups in the novel illustrates the friction between them for example when the secular girls at the school mock those who wear the hijab by calling them the penguin club. They were even "frank about their hostility to us". The narrator continues to relate that "there was an unwritten pact between us and those girls. We openly exchanged spiteful glances and hatred as we sat in school like respectable classmates...we also concurred tacitly in our hatred of the Mukhabarat sympathisers". There is little respect and dialogue between the different groups and on the most part they all try to ignore each other, which can be illustrated the most when the narrator mentions that "the city was secret, the streets were secret, so were the stones and the people, houses, rooms, hearts...even laughter was secret in a city that celebrated secrecy ad where everything was enacted far from others' eyes. Recently I had started feeling that everyone was conspiring against everyone else." Even now, in reality, we can see how little the Assad regime wants to listen to the Syrian population with any dissent is met with imprisonment, bullets and barrel bombs. Or whether it's the Islamic State whose ideology is far from Islamic and a world away from representing the thoughts, wishes and demands of the typical Syrian yet they force their ideals by bullets or chemical weapons as well as hurling people off buildings and setting people on fire.
Sectarianism is prominent throughout the novel which portrays elements seen within Syrian society today. As previously mentioned, the novel refers to the Alawites as the "other sect" and describes how they dominate major positions across the country whether in government or in the army.
It's interesting how the author narrated the story through a female fundamentalist rather than through the eyes of a male "mujahid". Intriguingly, over the past few years we have heard of women leaving Western countries to join ISIS in Syria and Iraq. Obviously, the situations of the women and girls leaving to Syria are very different to the scenario painted in the novel but it's interesting to realise that women can be very much involved and impacted in fundamentalism when traditionally we only envision men being a part of. In the novel, the narrator is very much propelled into fundamentalism which she somewhat tries to use an escape from her home life and an attempt to find freedom and meaning. Furthermore, it was a way for her to show agency on her own merits but it only leads to further imprisonment within herself and society.
The novel highlights quite well that hatred is never inbuilt and it takes time to be cultivated. No one is born to hate and there's an inherent compassion within us all as shown with the narrator herself. The author proposes that the lack of dialogue and understanding between people are what causes us to hate each other. Furthermore, the regime, from its inception had built itself by force which further fuelled hatred as the regime wasn't built on Syrians' wishes or dreams nor did the regime wish to represent Syrians.
In Leri Price's translation of the novel, Robin Yassin-Kassab quotes Hassan al-Khayyer (an Alawi poet who was kidnapped and killed in 1980) in his foreword. The quote is incredibly powerful and summarises the extremes that has plagued Syrian history as well as current day-to-day life:
The novel deals essentially with fundamentalism in a 1980's Aleppo. Both the secular regime and the Islamic organisation mentioned (although not acknowledged by name, the novel implies the Muslim Brotherhood and the Assad government) are portrayed as two sides of the same coin and hence portrayed as two fundamentalisms at war. Both of whom are engaged in a cycle of hatred and violence; both bring out the worst in each other and both display extremes in their behaviour. What's interesting, is that whilst the novel was a fictional portrayal of the events that occurred during the 1980's and published in 2006, it could easily describe the events taking place in Aleppo, and the wider country, over the past six years.
Continuing on from the idea of two fundamentalisms at war, it's interesting to note the narrator's own thoughts when she stated: "I used to think: if people die as martyrs for God, how do both the killers and killed enter paradise?" Both sides often claim superiority over the other (as the narrator does as the novel develops) and believe truth and right are on their side. The author's underlying message encapsulates the idea that violence would never really achieve much other than breeding a cycle of further violence, death and hatred. Consequently, only non-violence initiatives and dialogue will break the cycle and will bring about change and peace. In the novel, we don't see any dialogue between the "other sect", a reference to the Alawites who've dominated major positions within the government and army, and the majority Sunni population. Even between the secular and religious groups, little dialogue takes place. The little interactions we see between these groups in the novel illustrates the friction between them for example when the secular girls at the school mock those who wear the hijab by calling them the penguin club. They were even "frank about their hostility to us". The narrator continues to relate that "there was an unwritten pact between us and those girls. We openly exchanged spiteful glances and hatred as we sat in school like respectable classmates...we also concurred tacitly in our hatred of the Mukhabarat sympathisers". There is little respect and dialogue between the different groups and on the most part they all try to ignore each other, which can be illustrated the most when the narrator mentions that "the city was secret, the streets were secret, so were the stones and the people, houses, rooms, hearts...even laughter was secret in a city that celebrated secrecy ad where everything was enacted far from others' eyes. Recently I had started feeling that everyone was conspiring against everyone else." Even now, in reality, we can see how little the Assad regime wants to listen to the Syrian population with any dissent is met with imprisonment, bullets and barrel bombs. Or whether it's the Islamic State whose ideology is far from Islamic and a world away from representing the thoughts, wishes and demands of the typical Syrian yet they force their ideals by bullets or chemical weapons as well as hurling people off buildings and setting people on fire.
Sectarianism is prominent throughout the novel which portrays elements seen within Syrian society today. As previously mentioned, the novel refers to the Alawites as the "other sect" and describes how they dominate major positions across the country whether in government or in the army.
It's interesting how the author narrated the story through a female fundamentalist rather than through the eyes of a male "mujahid". Intriguingly, over the past few years we have heard of women leaving Western countries to join ISIS in Syria and Iraq. Obviously, the situations of the women and girls leaving to Syria are very different to the scenario painted in the novel but it's interesting to realise that women can be very much involved and impacted in fundamentalism when traditionally we only envision men being a part of. In the novel, the narrator is very much propelled into fundamentalism which she somewhat tries to use an escape from her home life and an attempt to find freedom and meaning. Furthermore, it was a way for her to show agency on her own merits but it only leads to further imprisonment within herself and society.
The novel highlights quite well that hatred is never inbuilt and it takes time to be cultivated. No one is born to hate and there's an inherent compassion within us all as shown with the narrator herself. The author proposes that the lack of dialogue and understanding between people are what causes us to hate each other. Furthermore, the regime, from its inception had built itself by force which further fuelled hatred as the regime wasn't built on Syrians' wishes or dreams nor did the regime wish to represent Syrians.
In Leri Price's translation of the novel, Robin Yassin-Kassab quotes Hassan al-Khayyer (an Alawi poet who was kidnapped and killed in 1980) in his foreword. The quote is incredibly powerful and summarises the extremes that has plagued Syrian history as well as current day-to-day life:
"There are two gangs: one is ruling in the name of patriotism but has none of it.Another gang claims good faith; and religion forbids their sayings and acts.Two gangs. My people, be aware of both! Both drink from the same evil waters."
Saturday, December 17, 2016
Updates from Aleppo
— هادي العبدالله Hadi (@HadiAlabdallah) December 17, 2016
— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Rebel sources say there's agreement for injured/sick to leave Fuaa and Kfraya now, after delays. Unclear if means #Aleppo op will restart/ 8— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Fuaa and Kfraya weren't in original #Aleppo evacuation deal, but reportedly at least 650 people inside need evacuation for medical care/ 7— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
A group of residents who left east #Aleppo this morning were blocked from making it to west Aleppo province and forced back into the city/ 6— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Others say Aleppo evacuation on hold because Syria and Iran want evacuation of 2 villages in Idlib under rebel siege, Fuaa and Kfraya/ 5— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
This morning, without warning, the evacuations were suspended after running all night. Gunfire and blasts were heard. ICRC pulled back/ 3— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Many more people are still inside last rebel-held pocket of east #Aleppo and want to leave, civilians and rebels. Situation there is dire/ 2— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Evacuations from east #Aleppo started yesterday, and around 8,000 people are believed to have left, though ICRC doesn't have exact number/ 1— Sara Hussein (@sarahussein) December 16, 2016
Pro-regime outlets published this image of Iranian & Lebanese militias harassing civilians detained while trying to leave besieged Aleppo. pic.twitter.com/pSOCDAWyrz— هادي العبدالله Hadi (@HadiAlabdallah) December 16, 2016
UN Humanitarian Coord Stephen O'Brien: Lebanese Hezbollah militias are actively impeding deal to get civilians out of Eastern Aleppo.— هادي العبدالله Hadi (@HadiAlabdallah) December 16, 2016
Hundreds of families prevented from leaving besieged #Aleppo by Iranian and Lebanese militias. pic.twitter.com/1SJTxmFeSu— هادي العبدالله Hadi (@HadiAlabdallah) December 16, 2016
Share this message to whole world. #Aleppo ceasefire broke, civilians are in danger. I beg world u do something now to get us out. - Fatemah— Bana Alabed (@AlabedBana) December 16, 2016
No a single bus is for all these people today. We were left feeling cold, hungry and worried of what is coming.#Aleppo #StandWithAleppo pic.twitter.com/CAHiyjDsfb— @Mr.Alhamdo (@Mr_Alhamdo) December 16, 2016
Iranians breaches: They detained convey of civilians, field executed number of them,demanded requests weren't even included in the agreement— Lina shamy (@Linashamy) December 16, 2016
Today Field executions by Iranians among the civilians from the convey who left #Aleppo according to the agreement!— Lina shamy (@Linashamy) December 16, 2016
About 950 from the convey are detained by Iranians, threatened with a massacre pic.twitter.com/YVZO5ScVoZ— Lina shamy (@Linashamy) December 16, 2016
Thousands of civilians still stuck in the besieged city couldn't leave after Iranians & Assad breached the agreement pic.twitter.com/690RhULkwI— Lina shamy (@Linashamy) December 16, 2016
Thousands of civilians & a lot of injured still in the besieged districts I confirm, thousands of civilians still here— Lina shamy (@Linashamy) December 16, 2016
Dear world, there's intense bombing right now. Why are you silent? Why? Why? Why? Fear is killing me & my kids. - Fatemah #Aleppo— Bana Alabed (@AlabedBana) December 14, 2016
Monday, March 03, 2014
Russia's hypocrisy?
On 11th September 2013, Putin wrote an op-ed article, "A Plea for Caution From Russia. What Putin Has to Say to Americans About Syria" which appeared in the New York Times. The article was written in relation to the air strike that America (and other western countries) were debating on. In that article he mentioned the following:
I refer back to that article for a reason in relation to the current events in Ukraine. It's been recently reported that, Russia has sent troops to Ukraine, that there's been a build up of armoured vehicles near a ferry port on the Russian side of the Kerch Channel, which separates the two countries with more recent news that now pro-Russian troops have taken over the ferry terminal on the Ukrainian side.
So what about all that talk on Syria, arguing against any western intervention against their own internal affairs?
Where are all those anti-war protesters around the world, calling against Russia's interference in Ukraine? Isn't Russia's actions an act of aggression? Why isn't international law applicable to Ukraine and their sovereignty protected? Or is it only American and British imperialism that the anti-war movement objects to but when it's Russia, that's fine?
"From the outset, Russia has advocated peaceful dialogue enabling Syrians to develop a compromise plan for their own future. We are not protecting the Syrian government, but international law. We need to use the United Nations Security Council and believe that preserving law and order in today’s complex and turbulent world is one of the few ways to keep international relations from sliding into chaos. The law is still the law, and we must follow it whether we like it or not. Under current international law, force is permitted only in self-defense or by the decision of the Security Council. Anything else is unacceptable under the United Nations Charter and would constitute an act of aggression.Around that time, there were anti-war protests in London as well as in other cities, against any western foreign intervention in Syria (though they seemed to have overlooked Iranian, Russian and Hezbollah interference in the country and only focused on USA/UK/France etc.)
It is alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in foreign countries has become commonplace for the United States....
We must stop using the language of force and return to the path of civilized diplomatic and political settlement...."
I refer back to that article for a reason in relation to the current events in Ukraine. It's been recently reported that, Russia has sent troops to Ukraine, that there's been a build up of armoured vehicles near a ferry port on the Russian side of the Kerch Channel, which separates the two countries with more recent news that now pro-Russian troops have taken over the ferry terminal on the Ukrainian side.
So what about all that talk on Syria, arguing against any western intervention against their own internal affairs?
Where are all those anti-war protesters around the world, calling against Russia's interference in Ukraine? Isn't Russia's actions an act of aggression? Why isn't international law applicable to Ukraine and their sovereignty protected? Or is it only American and British imperialism that the anti-war movement objects to but when it's Russia, that's fine?
Sunday, February 02, 2014
RIP Khaled Bakrawi
Khaled Bakrawi was a 24-year old activist from Yarmouk Camp, born and raised in Syria but originally from Lubya, Palestine that was ethnically cleansed in 1948. Khaled Bakrawi played an integral role in rallying the masses in the struggle for justice. He was one of the founders of the Jafra Foundation and was extremely active in the Palestinian Youth Movement. During the commemoration of al-Naksa in 2011, Khaled was injured when Israeli Occupation Forces opened fire on the protestors. Despite his wounds, he remained steadfast in his struggles and organized for the internally displaced that made their way into Yarmouk. Khaled Bakrawi had been missing, thought to be in Assad’s jails, since January 19, 2013. This was confirmed on September 11, 2013 when news arose that he had been tortured to death.
Monday, January 27, 2014
UK's participation in the UNHCR Syrian Refugees Programme
On Wednesday 29th January, there will be a debate in the House of Commons on UK's participation in the UNHCR Syrian Refugees Programme. So for all those who are in the UK, email/phone your MPs, ask them for their views and get them to vote for the programme!
Here's a link for an email template by a UK charity RefugeeCouncil which you can use.
The following is the email I sent to my MP.
Dear __________,
As I'm aware, there's a debate on Wednesday 29th January regarding UK's Participation in the UNHCR Syrian Refugees Programme. I wanted to enquire what your position on the matter is and what you will bring to the debate on Wednesday.
I think it's very important for the UK to be involved in the humanitarian side of the Syrian uprising and a resettlement program offers a durable solution to help the most vulnerable struggling in the region. There are over 2,300,000 registered refugees in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon alone, and over 3,000,000 internally displaced Syrians. Yet these numbers are only the tip of the iceberg. As the Syrian Uprising is soon to enter its fourth year, many Syrians are struggling financially both within Syria and abroad. I'm sure you're aware from the news of the conditions inside Syria and also in the refugee camps in Jordan and Turkey.
As a result of the current conditions, the UK must work with the UN and the wider international community to initiate an immediate programme of emergency humanitarian evacuations to help refugees whose needs are the most acute. Furthermore, it should be made possible for Syrians with a connection to the UK, in particular those who have family members who are either British citizens or are recognised as refugees by the UK government to be assisted to enter the UK to join their families and communities. I personally know of a case where a young lady has her visa application denied by the British embassy in Lebanon and in Egypt despite her mother, step father and their family living in the UK. Her husband died a year after their marriage in Damascus and has now returned to Damascus with no other options. Is it ethical to deny family members the right to be with their immediate families?
Additionally, the UK should set an example for the wider international community by establishing a substantial and co-ordinated resettlement programme in the UK and encourage other European member states to do so likewise. Sweden has offered unlimited assistance to Syrian refugees allowing asylum and permanent residency to all Syrians that enter the country whilst Germany have offered 10,000 humanitarian visas for Syrians.
There are considerable strains on neighbouring countries to absorb refugees though over recent months many Syrian refugees are facing hostile environments in host countries; particularly Egypt and Jordan, and increasingly in Lebanon. Refugees who leave Syria for political reasons are unable to travel to Lebanon for security concerns.
Of course there are those who will always oppose immigration to the UK; however I believe that the advantages outweigh the disadvantages. Furthermore, in this case there is an imperative need to help those who face harsh conditions that no one should ever have to face. By offering Syrians a chance to live in the UK, many children would continue their education which they would unable to do so either in Syria or neighbouring countries as many have to work for their families to survive. It would also allow many Syrians the right to work and contribute towards British life; many Syrians have professional roles so they could rely on their own earnings and provide different perspectives and ideas which could only add to British life and diversity. Many refugees have the hope of returning to Syria once the violence and bloodshed has stopped and security has returned to the country. Their experience in the UK would help Syrians to rebuild their country as they would have continued their education and training, gained work experience and improved upon their skills.
In terms of what the UK would get out of a resettlement plan can be seen from past experience. Firstly, immigrants, including refugees, pay more into public's money compared to their UK born counterparts (http://www.ippr.org/publication/55/1352/paying-their-way-the-fiscal-contribution-of-immigrants-in-the-uk).
Secondly, 30,000 jobs have been estimated to have been created in Leicester by Ugandan Asian refugees since 1972 (http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/aug/11/race.world).
Another advantage would be the economic benefit of accepting refugees whose professions are in medicine. There are currently 1,200 medically qualified refugees on the British Medical Association's database. It's estimated that it costs £25,000 to support a refugee doctor to practice in the UK whereas training a new doctor in the UK is estimated to cost between £200,000 and £250,000 (http://www.nhsemployers.org/Aboutus/Publications/Pages/ReapingTheRewards.aspx).
Lastly, asylum seeking children contribute very positively to schools across the country which in turn enables more successful integration of families into local communities (http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/Ofsted-home/Publications-and-research/Browse-all-by/Education/Inclusion/Asylum-seeker-children/The-education-of-asylum-seeker-pupils/%28language%29/eng-GB).
I hope you will consider my email in your decision and I would highly appreciate hearing your opinion and decision prior to the debate on Wednesday.
Thank you for your time and help. I look forward to hearing from you.
Your sincerely,
Tuesday, January 21, 2014
Evidence of torture and execution of Syrians (GRAPHIC IMAGES!)
Three lawyers (Sir Desmond de Silva QC , Professor David M. Crane & Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC), wrote a report into the credibility of certain evidence in regards to torture and execution of citizens incarcerated by the Syrian regime. Both the Guardian and CNN wrote articles publishing the report alongside key findings and images.
The following images are from the report which were leaked by a source named "Caesar" who worked in the military police in Syria for 13 years before defecting. The images were taken either by himself or his colleagues in his unit.
"Each body in the photographs seen by CNN had a number written on it; a person's hand can often also be seen holding a piece of paper in the frame of the photograph with the same number written on it."The following text taken from the report details the process and the reasoning behind the photographs:
The procedure was that when detainees were killed at their places of detention their bodies would be taken to a military hospital to which he would be sent with a doctor and a member of the judiciary, “Caesar’s” function being to photograph the corpses. He informed the inquiry team that there could be as many as fifty (50) bodies a day to photograph which required fifteen to thirty minutes of work per corpse. The purpose of documenting the corpses was to ensure that none had been released by the security services and to inform the families of murdered detainees in due course that the cause of death in each case was either a “heart attack” or “breathing problems” and to satisfy the authorities that executions had been performed. Each murdered detainee was given two numbers with only the intelligence service knowing the identities of the corpses. The procedure for documentation was that when a detainee was killed each body was given a reference number which related to that branch of the security service responsible for his detention and death. When the corpse was taken to the military hospital it was given a further number so as to document, falsely, that death had occurred in the hospital. Once the bodies were photographed they were taken for burial in a rural area.
Friday, January 17, 2014
Protest videos (17/01/2014)
Here are some videos of today's protests in Syria.
Saqba, Damascus Suburbs (17/01/2014):
Erbeen, Damascus Suburbs (17/01/2014):
Killi - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Sarmada - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Kafrnbel - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Dael - Daraa province (17/01/2014):
Saqba, Damascus Suburbs (17/01/2014):
Erbeen, Damascus Suburbs (17/01/2014):
Killi - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Sarmada - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Kafrnbel - Idlib province (17/01/2014):
Saturday, November 02, 2013
Tuesday, October 29, 2013
BBC Panorama - Saving Syria's Children
On 30th September, BBC Panorama aired a 45-minute documentary "Saving Syria's Children." BBC Panorama travelled with British doctors inside Syria to exclusively reveal the devastating impact of the war on children caught in the conflict. The doctors witness the aftermath of the bombing of a school by a suspected napalm-like incendiary device and medical facilities constantly under attack - both war crimes under international law. Filmed in the north of the country after the chemical weapons attack in Damascus which inflamed world opinion and brought America, Russia and the UN to the table, the film shows how the conventional war is intensifying with children bearing the brunt of this humanitarian catastrophe.
Monday, September 16, 2013
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